The need for a spiritual
identity quest, focused on evangelical values, has
been legitimated since Council Vatican II. This turn to an “aggiornamento”, aiming
on taking over the ecclesio-centric and Eurocentric season of Catholicism, has
highlighted the greater importance of the sensus
fidei of the believers. The consequences of such an institutional change
are still at work today
[1]
.
In the last decade sociologists of religion have underlined the growing gap
between religion as an institutionally tight system, and a much more creative
way of believing and practicing. At the same time, the Catholic Church pastoral
politics have re-valued religious experiences involving the believers’
emotional and sensitive commitment. I think especially of the revival of
pilgrimage practice, my topic of study since 1998. The participation to
international pilgrimages such as the ones to Santiago the Compostela, Lourdes,
Medjugorie, Guadalupe or the attraction exerted by communities such as Taizé,
involves both practising Catholics and the Catholic hierarchy, as well as many other
social actors, who believe without belonging. The powerful ancient metaphor of
“life as pilgrimage”, well known in worldwide religious texts as well in
poetry, literature and figurative arts
[2]
,
is more and more spreading nowadays, against the concrete ritual practice. The
idea of life as pilgrimage and of the Walk of man into life becomes a new anti-dogmatic
approach to religion, strongly present in contemporary self-made religiosity
[3]
.
I would like to focus on
this metaphor, and to point out some aspects of this specific social imaginary.
I will concentrate in particular on two shifts: the tendency to a sort of
freestyle prayer inside the official Catholic field on one side; and on the
other, the tendency to a freestyle prayer
[4]
which slaloms inside and outside Catholic institutional memory and spiritual
traditional stock.
Freestyle prayer inside the Catholic Church
The metaphor of
individual pilgrimage - appreciated by many freestyle believers - conceived as
a spiritual itinerary of research to be experienced in personal everyday life,
is also a tool serving the renewal of pastoral speech, through the proposal of a
more open approach to Catholic religion.
To begin with, I will take on example
the interaction going on in the parish church of Santa Francesca Romana in Rome
(Eur). This church became in the last years the heart of a lived religion,
especially attracting young adults. The participatory revival of this parish,
like many others in Europe and North America, suggest that the notion of the
decline of ‘parish civilization’, diffused in sociological theory since the ‘60s,
has become nowadays uncertain. For instance, in many parishes located within urban
areas a new encounter between institutional Catholicism and a new generational
demand often goes on, thanks to the action of local dioceses and young
participants. This turn is often stimulated by the religious life of strongly
committed minorities of believers, born in Western Europe but expanding transnationally,
like the Catholic movement Opus Dei, the Legionaries of Christ, the
Community of Sant’Egidio and the Neocatechumenal Way
[5]
.
The church of Santa
Francesca Romana - where, among others, three Neocatechumenal communities have
found a welcoming hosting place - is animated by an increasingly appreciated
parish priest, Don Fabio Rosini. Don Fabio, born in Rome in 1961, is a Bible scholar and catechist, who presently
directs in the parish area a “pastoral parish project for young people”. This
includes a group for young engaged couples; a missionary group twined with a
diocese in Guinea Bissau; the organization, twice a year, (on Christmas and on March
9th, Feast Day of Santa Francesca Romana) of a lunch for the poor. The pastoral
parish project for young people includes as well a group of prayer during
Advent. But the initiative which made Don Fabio a celebrity and earned him an
invitation at Radio Rai3 (Italians national radio network)
[6]
,
is his catechism on the Ten Commandments, traditionally hold on Sunday evenings.
Each encounter deals with a Commandment which becomes the source of a parish
missionary engagement.
Under the influence of
Don Fabio and his cool language, a young styled roman dialect, the parish area has
become a surprising attraction pole for young-adults. Don Fabio’s message,
centring on the purity of Jesus’s evangelical announce, is expressed through a
good working and shrewd semantic choice. In fact, he constantly affirms his
will “to talk simply about Christianism, avoiding any academic tone” and to
work together with his audience on “ the direct relation between God and man’s work”. Young participants to the parish activity describe
enthusiastically their experience. Don Fabio appears as a guide to discover
one’s own spiritual path, an unexpected faith and the possibility of developing
an individual inner quest in everyday life. In particular, young engaged
couples get enthusiastic about his seminary on marriage and on building a family
life. Don Fabio himself often is asked to celebrate the marriages of these
couples.
The making of Don
Fabio’s speeches seems quite syncretic. It takes from the protestant preachers’ fervour, because
of the insistence on the emotional side of religious experience; it also recalls
the construction of a family and an horizontally democratic affective life
within the parish area, based on small groups cells
[7]
.
Given that these groups require the active commitment of the individual, they
recall more the functioning of the protestant and neopentecostal Churches than
the traditional hierarchical relationship between the Catholic parish priest
and the members of his parish
[8]
.
Moreover, in this proselytizing strategy a very contemporary way of glancing to
other religions
[9]
also counts.
Thus, the parish is given a multicultural face.
Thanks to this clever
mix of elements, young adults participating to Don Fabio proposal experience an
inversion of the stereotyped image of the Church - often common in this
generation - linked to absolutism, intolerance and lack of “updating” on
bio-ethics issues. On the contrary, Don Fabio builds up, together with his
young adults’ audience, the experience of a different Church, a young and
welcoming structure that keeps up with contemporary time and society, working
concretely for an everyday evangelical service, constantly open to the
encounter with the other meant as God, the immigrate, the poor or the believer
in another credo.
This parish example,
were religious emotion “beats” in the heart of Rome, shows an interesting
tendency: a pastoral strategy by a charismatic parish, born from the necessity
to cope with the growing loss of young souls from God’s flock.
This being an example, I would like now to extend the
view to a different type of interaction, between the individual spiritual
demand and the institutional Catholic offer. The next case study will in fact refer
to a self-made religiosity, slaloming
into and outside Catholic tradition, build up using the stock offered by Catholic
traditional memory.
2. Freestyle prayer slaloming
into and outside Catholic tradition
I have already mentioned the revival of the Catholic
pilgrimages practice. The case of the long walking road to Santiago de
Compostela in Spain
[10]
shows the
successful encounter between a renewed effort of pastoralization, the interests
of the religious tourism agents, and the demand of a large public, mostly
composed by young adults. This pilgrim generation, often grown up as Catholic
or Protestant, affirms to have taken a distance from the Church’s official
point of view, and to walk the road according to a personal spiritual quest.
With regard to this Santiago revival, it is
interesting to underline the slogan of the current 2010 Jubilee, advertised at
the airport during summer 2009 campaign. Next to the words Xacobeo Galicia (the Xacobeo is the Holy Year in Galician), the sentence “Find
yourself making your own walk” attracts the attention. Four subtitles, “Spirituality,
Nature, Gastronomic, Culture” follow this invitation. The word “Spirituality”, and “Camino”
are the most visually relevant while the word “Religion” is absent.
How do these pilgrims pray? Most of the pilgrims walking to Santiago affirm
to « believe by their feet »
[11]
and to consider the walking as a sort of meditation and personal prayer. The liturgical
Catholic prayer, the Rosary or the traditional prayers to St James mix with
spontaneous prayer: praying means a space of personal introspection, an
activity that can be done in the silent recollection of a XII° century Romanic church
as well as elsewhere along the road, echoing, during the way, St Francis’s
natural mysticism and his Laudes to the sun, the earth and the stars.
In particular, St James is experienced on the road as
an alive Saint, whose nature results extremely moving according to the plural
interpretations that pilgrims give to this figure. The saint Patron of Spain, whom
some long to embrace into the cathedral, is for others rather than a Saint a
sort of genius loci, a powerful and
magical figure. During the march it is possible to entertain a relationship
with St James, asking for protection, for solidarity about one’s own walk as
well for personal wishes to be fulfilled. In this context, the Saint, symbol of
the traditional pilgrimage, becomes for these freestyle believers “a good
fellow”, with whom they get familiar because of the iconography and the history
of the pilgrimage road.
The interaction and the kind of negotiation described
between a free spiritual demand and the tourist and ecclesiastic arrangement of
the contemporary Compostela pilgrimage exist also in others worship places.
In the North of Italy,
in the region of Trentino Alto Adige, and especially in Val Venosta, a region dotted
with little sanctuaries risen to reaffirm Catholicism against the diffusion of
Protestantism, the new attraction for worship places is based on a mix of
religious devotion and of creative personal spiritual feeling. On the one side, the
mountain landscape spruces the inspiration
to visit the local sanctuaries; on the other, the recent promotion of this landscape
by ecclesiastic and religious travel agents - what Enzo Pace calls “the
organizational machine of the pilgrimage”
[12]
- has contributed to the revival, building up on the natural mysticism of a mountain
panorama,
This is well shown by a
mountain path crowned by the Ortles chimes, in the heart of the Stelvio
National Park in the Solda Valley, which was inaugurated this last July 2010. The
walk, located at 1900 mt height, ends in the little sanctuary of the Virgen of Trafoi; it has been marked
by seven stations, each one corresponding to a figure - the fish, the
amphibious, the reptile, the mammal, the prehistorical man, the modern man
- to be acted by the walker
through his/her own body according to specific instructions, each of them
–representing a step forward into a bodily meditation. But this
itinerary, conceived by the regional Practical Pedagogy Institute for the
Stelvio National Park, is at the same time marked by wooden road signs where Psalms
and Genesis passages are engraved… This mixture of a sort of experiential
bodily meditation and Biblical sentences invites to pray along the road. The Catholic traditional idea of the Stations of the Cross seems to be
source of inspiration for a spiritual exercise aiming to individual progression
where, step by step, the individual walking through the mountain and along the
path, easily, in more or less two hours, gets his/her dose of spirituality.
As last example of the
tendency towards a freestyle prayer moving across Catholic tradition, I would
like to briefly mention the interesting multiethnic form which the very
traditional Marial pilgrimage to the Divino Amore in Rome has assumed during these
last years.
The motivation for this 14
km walk along the Ardeatina road through the whole Saturday night, starting at
midnight in front of the FAO building in Rome and ending at Sunday dawn with
the celebration of Mass in the Sanctuary, has apparently ceased to be so strictly “devotional” as once it was. The attendance remains, as for the past, mostly
feminine and it is not uncommon to see pilgrims walking barefoot. But the
Divino Amore, well known as a Roman devotional pilgrimage, took on a
multicultural aspect since 2000, year of the Roman Jubilee. The visit to Mary
attracts not only Catholics from the major immigration communities as Philippinos,
Latin Americans, Polish and
Ukrainians but also many African Muslims, mostly women, immigrated from
Eritrea, Ethiopia and Somalia
[13]
,
visiting the Maryam of their Coranic tradition. These pilgrims describe their
walk as a moment of encounter with a very powerful Lady who listens to people’s
demands, while being at the same time a moment of happiness and pleasant
socialization. Traditionally practised by Catholic groups organised by the
parish or ecclesiastic associations (Charismatics, Neocatechumenal, Focolarini,
Scouts), the Divino Amore of the immigrated pilgrims corresponds, on the
contrary, to an intimate experience shared between friends and neighbours. The pilgrimage
bodily prayer corresponds to an identity quest and to the search for ethnical
integration in the country of migration. Finally, this example suggests the
interaction of the immigrated community with the religious institutional places
of worship within the city of immigration
[14]
. It shows also, once more, the
construction of a sort of apart and creative prayer which, nevertheless, stays
in the Catholic traditional ground.
[1]
On the long terms changes issued from Vatican Council II see, Alberigo, Breve storia del Concilio Vaticano II,
Bologna, Il Mulino, 2005.
[2]
I think of La
Divina Commedia by Dante
Alighieri, but also of the Cervantes Don Quichotte. See as well
Jean Jacques Rousseau, Les rêveries
du promeneur solitaire, Paris, Gallimard, 1959 or the text of Bob Dylan
world wide known song Blowin’ in the wind.
I think also of the beautiful Pieter Brueghel’s Retour du pèlerinage at the Musées Royaux des Beaux Arts de Belgique (Bruxelles) or of the seek expressed by Richard Serra permanent installation The matter of Time at the Guggenheim
Museum, Bilbao.
[3]
Giuseppe Giordan, Paul Heelas, Linda Woodhead, The Spiritual Revolution. Why Religion is Giving Way to Spirituality,
Blackwell, Oxford, 2005.
[4]
My notion of a freestyle prayer and spirituality connects to Yves
Lambert definition of « hors-piste religieux ».
[5]
See Isacco Turina, From
Institution to Spirituality and Back. Or, Why We should Be cautious About the
‘Spiritual Turn’ in the Sociology of Religion, in print.
[6]
Don Fabio catechism
on the Commandaments is available on Internet.
http://www/segnideitempi.biz/catechesi/don-fabio-rosini.
[7]
On the neopentecostal small cells functioning see Sébastian Fath, Dieu XXL. La révolution des megachurches, Paris, Editions Autrement, 2008.
[8]
An example of this traditional vertical configuration, going back to
Medieval Age, is well shown in Emmanuel
[9]
On the diffusion of the intrareligious dialogue, especially in Europe,
see Anne-Sophie Lamine, La cohabitation
des dieux. Pluralité religieuse et laïcité, Paris, PUF, 2004.
[10]
On this pilgrimage
see Elena Zapponi, Marcher vers
Compostelle. Ethnographie d’une pratique pèlerine, Paris, AFSR-Harmattan,
2010, in print.
[11]
See Elena zapponi, Pregare con i piedi. In cammino verso Finis
Terrae, Roma, Bulzoni, 2008.
[12]
Enzo Pace, « Pilgrimage as Spiritual Journey : An Analysis of Pilgrimage Using
the Theory of V. Turner and the Resource Mobilization Approach », Social Compass, 36 (2), 1989, p.
229-244.
[13]
See
Carmelina Chiara Canta, Sfondare la
notte. Religiosità, modernità e cultura nel pellegrinaggio notturno alla
Madonna del Divino Amore, Roma, Franco Angeli, 2004, p. 123-134.
[14]
For an
analysis of this kind of interaction see Elena Zapponi, Strategie di
dis/integrazione, religiosa degli